Iguala, Responsibility of the State
Some media and local authorities have tried to present the issue of the killing of 6 and the disappearance of another
43 Ayotzinapa’s students as something
attributable to organized crime. They
have even given names
of the cartel that could have killed
the students (“Guerreros Unidos”) and of the leader who gave the order to stop and kill them (“el Chuky”). This version, however, obscures reality. This is not another
crime of the organized crime. No. The first student killings,
the detention and subsequent disappearance of the other students, were the work of
local commanding officers
that were under the control of a local authority and, ultimately, of a state authority (in May, Iguala and other municipalities
of the state of Guerrero signed an agreement,
“Mando Único”, with the state
government in order to unify the command of their local police
forces).
Let's recap some of what happened that fateful September
26th. That day, the normalistas (students that
are being trained to become basic education teachers) arrived
in Iguala, where they seized some buses that were going to be used to travel to Mexico City to
participate in the march on October 2nd (a
march that is held every year in order to commemorate the student massacre of
1968). At some point, one of the buses
was intercepted by a patrol and some students got out of the bus to try to remove it. Suddenly,
a student was shot in the head. So fell the first student, cunningly shot by police. That student is still alive but in coma; if he
survives he will be permanently impaired. The other students
tried to escape, and several were arrested. One of them, Julio César Mondragón (20
years, father of a 2 months old baby),
was arrested by policemen, witnesses said. The next day, the body
of Julio César was lying in the
street, with his face flayed and with the eye sockets empty. The
image was chilling. That is, paradoxically, the face of violence
in the country, senseless violence, full of cruelty and brutality. Worse,
that repugnant murder was committed by
police or by someone in collusion
with them. It was
an extrajudicial execution. The
other deaths that occurred that night
(there were six in total) and the disappearance of the other students are also attributable to policemen. These are,
therefore, cases of abuse of authority
and enforced disappearance and they should be treated and judged as such.
The tragedy of Iguala can only be explained in a context of impunity and state neglect of its most basic tasks.
In this municipality, it was more than obvious the violence that existed in recent months. In March 2013, a PRD local representative (a Síndico), Justino Carvajal,
was killed. A month later, Arturo Hernández Cardona,
another member of the PRD and leader of the social movement Popular
Unity (UP), declared in front of the
mayor José Luis Abarca that the crime of Carvajal had been political
and he blamed upon the
mayor if something were to happen to him or to any member of his
group: "the crimes of politicians
do not occur as loose crimes,
these crimes are authorized by another power,
equal or greater, but political too." He added, "if
we do not say anything now, we run the risk
of being deprived of our life
and then you are going to say that it
was the same mechanism previously used, that it was the organized crime, and then there is going to be no investigation at all." Weeks after making these accusations, the social
leader and several of his colleagues
were kidnapped, tortured and killed.
A survivor testified in front of a
notary that it was the mayor himself who
killed the social leader of two gunshots.
The most amazing thing about this situation is the failure of state and national authorities as well as the passivity of the
leadership of the PRD, who did not even react against
the killing of members of their own party and that were unable to
ask for a thorough investigation of what had happened in that municipality. That
is why the governor as well as the
hegemonic fraction of the PRD are also responsible (at least politically) of the tragedy that took place in Iguala.
At the federal level there are no valid excuses either.
The situation in the country has become very complex. Peña Nieto’s agenda was suddenly Calderonized. He can no longer avoid talking about security and violence issues and he cannot keep sweeping the problems under the rug. Extrajudicial executions in Tlatlaya by the Army and
the abhorrent acts of Iguala should teach him
that not talking about problems is
not equivalent to solving them. The
President should leave the ostrich
policy that has characterized his
government on these issues. It
is complicated and sad, yes, but that is the reality that must be faced.
